By Tess Bacalla, VERA Files
(First of two parts)
Shortly after arriving in Kuala Lumpur early this year to work as a
domestic worker, Marissa Santos (not her real name) began complaining
of severe stomach pains. Her Malaysian employer, aghast that her
Filipina house help could be suffering from an ailment, promptly
returned Santos to her recruiter, also a Malaysian.
But instead of getting her medical help, the recruiter subjected Santos to slave-like treatment at his spa.
It would take three months to bring Santos back to the
Philippines—after her husband, a low-income laborer, coughed up P40,000
for her plane ticket and some trumped-up expenses.
Santos' story illustrates the difficult conditions of many migrant
workers in Southeast Asia, which has witnessed a steady rise in
intraregional labor migration since the 1980s. Between 1990 and 2002
alone, labor migration grew 44 percent.
The 10-member countries that make up the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations today host at least five million migrant workers
originating from the region, many of them employed in a few yet
economically well-endowed countries in the region but with stories of
abuse and misery to tell.
Confronted with the plight of labor migrants in the region, ASEAN in
2007 belatedly adopted a regional declaration to protect and promote
the rights of these workers. A nonbinding agreement, the declaration
requires an instrument to become enforceable.
But five years later, the regional grouping has yet to develop that instrument to secure workers' well-being.
Intra-ASEAN migration "has been phenomenal, yet it has happened
without a regional regulatory or institutional framework," the Cambodia
Development Resource Institute said in its 2011 policy brief.
As the 45-year-old ASEAN moves toward regional economic integration
that will turn its members into a "single market and production base"
by 2015, a regional mechanism to protect migrant workers will be needed
all the more. One of the expected outcomes of integration: Increased
labor mobility across the region.
Low-skilled, women, undocumented
At present, low-skilled and irregular workers comprise a big
proportion of migrant workers in Southeast Asia. Women make up at least
half of them, many in domestic work that is not covered by national
labor laws of the major ASEAN destination countries, thus depriving
them of basic protections. Undocumented workers account for almost a
third of intraregional migrants.
Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand are the main destination countries
in the region. The rest, led by the Philippines and Indonesia, comprise
the origin, or labor-sending, states. Cambodia, Burma, and Vietnam have
of late emerged as labor-sending countries.
The growth, according to the Cambodia Development Resource
Institute, has been accompanied by "irregular migration, recruitment
abuses and the exploitation of migrants, who are often without access
to legal protection."
As of 2005, the region supplied 13.5 million, or 7 percent of an
estimated 200 million international migrants. ASEAN says migration
within and from the region will continue to increase as a result of
economic and demographic factors.
Belated awakening
By the sheer number of workers from and within the region, "the
migrant worker issue is the toughest to deal with in ASEAN," said
Braema Mathi, president of Maruah, Singapore's focal point for the
Working Group for an ASEAN Human Rights Mechanism, a regional coalition
of nongovernment organizations across Southeast Asia officially
recognized by ASEAN as a dialogue partner.
In January 2007, at the 12th ASEAN Summit in Cebu, the regional body
finally adopted the Declaration on the Protection and Promotion of the
Rights of Migrant Workers, which spells out basic principles for
safeguarding migrant workers and the obligations of both
labor-receiving and -sending ASEAN countries.
Three years earlier, ASEAN had drawn up a six-year plan called the
Vientianne Action Programme, which pushed for the "elaboration of an
ASEAN instrument for the protection and promotion of the rights of
migrant workers."
The 2007 Cebu declaration has been called "an important step forward
to protect the human and labor rights of migrant workers within the
ASEAN region," especially in the absence at the time of a human rights
body.
Although ASEAN issued a joint communiqué in 1993 in which its
members "agreed to consider the establishment of an appropriate
regional mechanism on human rights," it would take the association 16
years, in 2009, to finally create a regional human rights body, now
known as the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR).
The AICHR is currently drafting the highly anticipated ASEAN
Declaration on Human Rights, in keeping with Article 14 of the ASEAN
Charter, the regional body's Constitution ratified by all member states
in 2009.
Civil and nongovernmental groups advocating the welfare of migrant
workers expect the ensuing human rights agreement to cover those of
migrant workers as one its important components.
'Zero' draft
To be fair, the drafting of an ASEAN framework instrument to protect
and promote the rights of labor migrants as envisioned by the 2007 Cebu
declaration began in earnest in 2009.
The ASEAN Committee on Migrant Workers (ACMW), composed of
representatives from the regional body's 10 member countries, was
mandated to develop the instrument. The committee in turn created a
drafting team, consisting of two labor-sending countries, Indonesia and
the Philippines, and two labor-receiving members, Thailand and Malaysia.
But the creation of the instrument remains an unfinished business.
ASEAN has so far managed to produce what it calls a "zero," or
preliminary, "draft" based on the wish lists of member states.
Malaysia, for example, insists that states should retain their
sovereignty in determining their own migration policy, citing "the need
to adopt policies on migrant workers within their jurisdiction,
including those related to labor intermediaries."
If Malaysia gets its way, existing laws such as its controversial
Employment Act would negate the overriding goals and aspirations of the
2007 ASEAN declaration and its subsequent instrument to protect migrant
workers all over the region, critics say.
Amended in October 2011 amid strong protests from trade unions,
civil society and other sectors, the law gives outsourcing companies,
which supply labor to factories and other workplaces, statutory
recognition as "employers." Outsourcing agents in Malaysia are known to
recruit workers under less favorable terms and conditions than those
routinely granted by company owners, or principals, to their employees.
Human rights groups have blamed heightened migrant worker abuse and
exploitation in large part on outsourcing firms. "Outsourcing companies
and labor contractors have been key factors in the trafficking of
persons for labor in Malaysia, a fact that the State is aware of," said
Irene Fernandez, executive director of Tenaganita, a Kuala Lumpur-based
NGO helping migrant workers in distress.
Said Phil Robertson, deputy director of the Asia division of Human
Rights Watch: "Sadly, the schizophrenic attempts of ASEAN to go in
opposite directions at the same time, and then try to paper over the
differences, is failing when it comes to migrant workers' rights."
Consistent with the 2007 ASEAN declaration, the draft is silent on undocumented workers.
And in true ASEAN fashion, given the regional grouping's proclivity
for secrecy, the draft has not been made public or shared with CSOs for
comments.
Sinapan Samydorai, convenor of the Task Force on ASEAN Migrant
Workers (TF-AMW), a Singapore-based regional coalition of civil society
organizations concerned with migrant workers' rights, said he has not
seen a copy of the zero draft.
Since migrant workers' rights fall under the purview of human
rights, coordination between the ACMW and AICHR on the issue of migrant
workers is expected. Since migrant workers' rights fall under the
purview of human rights, the expectation is that the ACMW and AICHR
would be coordinating on the issue of migrant workers. There is no
engagement between the two, said Philippine Representative to AICHR
Rosario Manalo. But there has to be, she added.
This has led Robertson to describe relations between the AICHR and
ASEAN sectoral bodies dealing with human rights as "largely
dysfunctional."
"What it says about ASEAN is that it is a house that still is in
disorder in terms of human rights policies, with widely varying
perspectives from member states effectively preventing progress on the
migrant workers' rights issues," he said.
Civil society proposal
Unlike ASEAN, the Singapore-based TF-AMW in 2009 successfully put
together its version of the ASEAN framework instrument for migrant
workers, and formally submitted its draft to the ASEAN Secretariat and
ACMW in Vientianne, Laos in May that year.
The proposed framework instrument is "by far the most comprehensive
proposal made to ASEAN by civil society," according to the Southeast
Asia Regional Cooperation in Human Development.
Targeted at ASEAN and its individual member governments, the task
force's Civil Society Proposal for the ASEAN Framework Instrument on
the Protection and Promotion of the Rights of Migrant Workers lists
recommendations that are rights-based and fully compliant with global
labor standards. It accords protection to regular and irregular migrant
workers alike and to their families.
Ellene Sana, executive director of the Philippine-based Center
Migrant Advocacy, a member of the task force, recalls that some members
of the task force originally did not want to "push too hard" on "thorny
issues" like safeguarding the rights of undocumented workers.
Eventually, they agreed that the ASEAN framework must be legally
binding and should not leave undocumented workers and migrant workers'
families out of the scope of its protection.
TF-AMW's Samydorai also said, "A regional mechanism cannot be lower than international standards."
The Southeast Asia National Human Rights Institutions Forum (SEANF)
and the Southeast Asia Women's Caucus on ASEAN have also sent their
recommendations to ASEAN. They fully share the TF-AMW's position on the
scope and form of the ASEAN instrument.
"The instrument should comply with all the major international human
rights treaties and relevant ILO Conventions," the SEAF said.
To this day, though, the recommendations from civil society largely
remain on paper. "We found that many of our recommendations have not
been done yet," said Samydorai.
To be concluded
(This story and accompanying photos were produced under the
"Reporting Development in ASEAN" series of IPS Asia-Pacific, a program
supported by the International Development Research Centre. VERA Files is put out by veteran journalists taking a deeper look at current issues. Vera is Latin for "true.")
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